CALIFORNIA FOCUS
FOR RELEASE: TUESDAY, DECEMBER 25, 2012, OR THEREAFTER
FOR RELEASE: TUESDAY, DECEMBER 25, 2012, OR THEREAFTER
BY THOMAS D. ELIAS
“PARCEL TAX PLANS PROMOTE UNFAIREST OF LEVIES”
No sooner had the new Democratic
supermajorities in the state Legislature been sworn in than some of their
members began pushing to make the least fair of all taxes easier to impose.
That's the parcel tax, the response of
many California school districts to the 40-year-old Serrano v. Priest court
decision that attempts to equalize per-student spending among all schools.
Serrano mandates that every time a
property tax-increasing override for schools is approved by local voters, most
of the money goes to Sacramento for redistribution to districts whose
per-student spending is in the lower half within California. The bulk of that
cash usually goes to poor rural schools.
For decades, this has discouraged
school districts in wealthier areas from seeking tax overrides. Why exert the
effort needed to get a two-thirds vote when you won’t see much of the money
even if you win?
Their answer for much of the last 20
years has been the parcel tax, the least equitable levy in America today.
Schools officials love parcel taxes, no matter how unfair, because all the
money they produce stays home. The end, they’re in effect saying, justifies the
means.
Why are parcel taxes unfair? Because
they have nothing to do with the value or use of any particular property.
Parcel taxes almost always assess owners an identical sum for each property they possess.
That means the tax on a small one- or two-bedroom cottage is identical to the
levy on a luxury hotel or a large shopping mall. The owner of a 33,000 square
foot mansion pays the same as the owner of a property one-twentieth as large.
While it’s true
that some malls, car dealerships, factories, oil refineries and other large
enterprises encompass more than one property parcel, that doesn’t make this tax
fair. The few efforts to make things a tad more equitable by charging owners of
commercial properties slightly more than residential have lately been rebuffed
by a state appeals court.
What’s more, parcel taxes are unlike
the other significant form of uniform tax per property, the assessment
district. There, no levy can be charged without the consent of a majority of
owners of affected properties. But with a parcel tax, ownership doesn’t matter.
Voters who don’t own property and may never be owners can impose a tax on
everyone who does own land or buildings. A tax they’ll never have to pay, but
others must.
The irony today is that the lawmakers
sponsoring plans to ease passage of these most regressive of taxes are
Democrats who style themselves champions of fairness and equality.
The positive part of this is that
legislators themselves can’t pass a parcel tax, other than a statewide one. Nor
can they change the rules by themselves. But they can present voters with
ballot propositions aimed at making passage of unfair taxes far easier.
Under terms of the 1978 Proposition
13, it takes a two-thirds majority to pass parcel taxes today. But state Sen.
Mark Leno of San Francisco is working to put a proposition onto the November
2014 ballot that would lower that threshold to 55 percent of the vote. His idea
is similar to the year-2000 Proposition 39, which lowered the margin needed for
approval of school construction bonds from two-thirds to 55 percent. Before
Proposition 39, about 60 percent of school bond proposals passed; since then,
such plans have had an 80 percent success rate.
Similarly, state Sen. Lois Wolk of
Davis says she will push for another proposition lowering the threshold for
passage of parcel taxes and bonds for public libraries from two-thirds to 55
percent.
In both cases, there’s little doubt
about the need. Schools have cut back programs from busing to college
counseling, while many libraries have closed or reduced hours of service.
But need for a public service does not
justify an unfair, inequitable method of taxation like parcel taxes. To be
fair, any levy on property must take value and uses into account; parcel taxes
do not.
Until Democrats won majorities of
two-thirds or more in both legislative houses, it was impossible to get these
proposals onto the ballot because of unified opposition from Republicans.
That’s irrelevant today; the only real questions are whether Democrats will
unify behind these planned propositions and whether Gov. Jerry Brown would okay
them.
And if voters pass those propositions
– a simple majority is all it would take – can lowered thresholds for other
parcel taxes to pay for fire protection, police, sewers and more be far behind?
If the public believes all these types
of services need more money, there are other ways to raise it, methods that are
far more fair. No one forces a Serrano-like redistribution of ordinary property
taxes earmarked for libraries or police, to name just two.
The bottom line is that financing of
public services must be done fairly, without favoring the wealthy, as parcel
taxes do. Even if finding a fair method is more difficult than passing a parcel
tax.
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Elias is author of the current book “The Burzynski Breakthrough: The Most Promising Cancer Treatment and the Government's Campaign to Squelch It,” now available in an updated third edition. His email address is tdelias@aol.com
Elias is author of the current book “The Burzynski Breakthrough: The Most Promising Cancer Treatment and the Government's Campaign to Squelch It,” now available in an updated third edition. His email address is tdelias@aol.com
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