CALIFORNIA FOCUS
FOR RELEASE: TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 12, 2019, OR THEREAFTER
FOR RELEASE: TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 12, 2019, OR THEREAFTER
BY THOMAS D. ELIAS
“NEW ZONING
NULLIFICATION PLAN HAS SAME OLD FLAWS”
California’s housing crisis
was bad enough last year, when Gov. Gavin Newsom – then a mere candidate –
called for building 350,000 new units every year for the next decade.
The crunch is worse this year,
with some of those who lost their homes to last fall’s disastrous wildfires now
added to the tens of thousands already homeless and living on streets around
the state and hundreds of thousands more who are housed, but overcrowded beyond
the limits of many local codes.
This
scene last year led San Francisco’s Democratic state Sen. Scott Wiener to push
a proposed law allowing builders to override local zoning ordinances and place
high-rise apartment buildings with a plenitude of “affordable” units near light
rail stations or heavily used bus routes.
This
proposal didn’t last long in the Legislature last year, shot down by a
coalition of local governments, homeowner groups and lack of enthusiasm by
former Gov. Jerry Brown, an advocate of local government controls since his
years as mayor of Oakland.
But
there is more pressure now to override local controls on development, and
Wiener is back with a slightly redone version of his building plan, which would
reverse a century of California urban sprawl by concentrating development in
areas long believed to be built out.
Wiener
has touted the changes he’s made to his proposal for the last couple of months,
stressing ways the newer version panders to the desires of left-wing
“progressives” dissatisfied with the previous version.
Now
known as SB 50, the measure would let cities delay building in areas where longstanding
apartment tenants might be at risk of eviction to make way for newly-mandated
high rises. If a tenant has been in a building more than seven years, for
example, that building couldn’t be demolished to make way for a new, far taller
one.
This is
meant to appease tenant groups that dominate politics in cities like Santa
Monica, San Francisco and other currently dense places.
But the
essence of Wiener’s original plan remains: It allows new buildings of six to
eight stories in all areas within half a mile of any light-rail station or
within one-quarter mile of a frequently used bus route. Preferences of local
voters, city or county governments and nearby homeowners or apartment dwellers
wouldn’t matter.
As
Wiener says, such development could probably never occur unless the state
mandated it. Few local officials could survive politically if they okayed
high-rises overlooking the yards of thousands of single-family homes or caused
the teardowns of expensive condominiums.
But
Wiener claims many elected officials tell him they want dense development, but
can’t publicly admit it. He told the New York Times that “City councils,
mayors, county supervisors have (told) me ‘We can’t say this, but we need help.
We need to be able to tell our constituents ‘We have to approve this project
because the state requires it.’”
But
just as the state’s high-speed rail project has seen years of delay and
opposition over attempts to take land by eminent domain, forced new development
could also run into legal buzz saws. Especially new development with virtually
no new parking spaces required.
For
example, Wiener’s plan is founded on the notion that denser housing won’t
worsen gridlocked traffic because new residents will ride nearby trains and
buses. Figures from the Metropolitan Transportation Authority in Southern
California suggest that’s pie in the sky.
The bus
and light rail agency reported last year that bus ridership shrank in the
region by 15 percent in 2017 from levels of five years earlier, while rail
ridership was up 4 million – less than the drop in bus ridership. Translation:
there’s been some switching from buses to trains, but little net increase in
mass transit riders despite creation of several new lines costing billions of
dollars.
So the
logic behind Wiener’s plan remains false and would worsen existing gridlock in
cities he wants to densify. It ignores many thousands of homeowners who
invested their life savings in residences Wiener’s plan could radically
downgrade.
The
bottom line: Some other solution must be sought, because it accomplishes little
to begin solving one serious problem while making other problems far worse.
-30-
Email Thomas Elias at tdelias@aol.com. His book, "The Burzynski Breakthrough: The Most Promising Cancer Treatment and the Government’s Campaign to Squelch It," is now available in a soft cover fourth edition. For more Elias columns, go to www.californiafocus.net
Email Thomas Elias at tdelias@aol.com. His book, "The Burzynski Breakthrough: The Most Promising Cancer Treatment and the Government’s Campaign to Squelch It," is now available in a soft cover fourth edition. For more Elias columns, go to www.californiafocus.net
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