CALIFORNIA FOCUS
FOR RELEASE: TUESDAY, APRIL 2, 2013, OR THEREAFTER
FOR RELEASE: TUESDAY, APRIL 2, 2013, OR THEREAFTER
BY THOMAS D. ELIAS
“MAKING THE MOST CONSTRUCTIVE TAX CHANGES”
From the moment it passed in 1978,
there has been little doubt that Proposition 13 is unfair. On any given block,
residents who bought their homes on or before the magic 1975 assessment date
contained in the landmark tax-limitation initiative pay far less property tax
than neighbors in similar homes who bought later.
These differences can run as high as
$10,000 per year in coastal counties where houses that sold for about $50,000
in 1975 now bring upwards of $1 million.
Just as unfair are parcel taxes. In
almost all cases, these levies assess an identical amount on each piece of
property in a given city, county or school district. So a 1,000 square foot
house pays the same tax as a 500,000 square foot resort hotel.
That’s patently unfair, and the only reason parcel taxes are so
popular today – mostly among school districts – is that when voters okay
ordinary property tax increases for schools, only a small part of the new money
stays with the local district. Parcel tax money, however, all stays home, the
reason why – inequitable as that levy may be – more than 55 percent of such
proposals in recent years have passed and almost all have won more than 50
percent of the vote.
The simple reality that both
Proposition 13 and parcel taxes are unfair, though, is no reason for state
legislators either to make things even more inequitable or to do something more
stupid.
For sure, trying to force a change to
a “split roll” in Proposition 13 would not be a smart move today. Some
California businesses already feel beleaguered by state taxes. A split roll
would exacerbate this sense. It would leave property assessment methods
unchanged for residential property while taxing commercial real estate on the
basis of current market values rather than basing them on the most recent sales
price of any property.
It’s understandable that some
businesses feel burdened, with California’s sales tax the nation’s highest and
its gasoline, income and corporate levies among the highest.
Plus, there’s a better way to reform
Proposition 13 than split roll, which could not take effect without passage of
another ballot measure. That would be to change some of the assessment rules
and definitions adopted by legislators in 1979, just after Proposition 13’s
passage. This would take only a simple majority in each house of the
Legislature, not a popular vote or the two-thirds needed for lawmakers to place
a proposition on the ballot.
The rules now allow some commercial
and industrial properties and apartment buildings to evade reassessment when
they’re sold, so long as no one individual controls more than a 50 percent
stake in the new ownership.
Estimates of how much this could raise
vary between $5 billion and $12 billion additional each year, not as much as a
split roll might bring in, but still a boost to state coffers about equal to
what last year’s Proposition 30 tax hikes accomplished.
This change would also be eminently
fair: Residential properties are always reassessed when they change hands, the
new tax amounting to 1 percent of the sale price, with increases in the tax
limited to 2 percent yearly. Why should other types of property get better
treatment?
But instead of looking seriously at
this reform, the huge Democratic majorities in the Legislature instead have
talked up the notion of helping schools by dropping the margin needed for
passing a parcel tax from the current two-thirds majority to 55 percent.
That would be the same margin needed
now to pass school construction bonds, a major difference being that school
bond repayments are not assessed as a flat fee, all properties paying the same
amount, as with most parcel taxes.
What’s more, if legislators fixed the
Proposition 13 reassessment loopholes created in 1979, the money raised could
obviate much of the need for local parcel taxes.
Sure, there would be resistance to
fixing the assessment rules, but not nearly as much as the blowback from trying
to impose a split roll.
The bottom line: If legislators want to provide more money for
schools and other services, there is a way to do it fairly and without making
life harder for homeowners, renters or most California businesses.
-30-
Email Thomas Elias at tdelias@aol.com. His book, "The
Burzynski Breakthrough: The Most Promising Cancer Treatment and the
Government’s Campaign to Squelch It," is now available in a soft cover
fourth edition. For more Elias columns, visit www.californiafocus.net
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