CALIFORNIA FOCUS
FOR RELEASE: FRIDAY, JULY 27, 2018, OR THEREAFTER
BY THOMAS D. ELIAS
FOR RELEASE: FRIDAY, JULY 27, 2018, OR THEREAFTER
BY THOMAS D. ELIAS
“WHAT UNLIMITED PARTY MONEY
LAUNDERING CAN DO”
For
most Californians, the year-2000 Proposition 34 was little more than a
meaningless formality. But not to politicians or political party officials.
The
18-year-old initiative sets inflation-adjusted limits on what individuals and
organizations can donate to candidates, ranging today from $4,400 for state
legislative races to $29,200 for those running for governor. But there are no
limits on giving to state and local political parties or how they can spend
that money.
This
gets little notice from most Californians, even those who examine the fine
print on election-time mailers to see who is behind them.
But it
surely means a lot to politicians and their parties. The power these rules give
parties to launder money earmarked for particular candidates was behind the
bitter and very close race last winter between Eric Bauman and Kimberly Ellis
over who would be the next chairperson of the California Democratic Party.
But
perhaps the most dramatic and clear-cut example of political parties’ power to
launder cash and pass it along to intended recipients involved a locally
well-known power couple during the spring primary campaign in San Diego County.
The
couple: Democratic state Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez Fletcher and her husband
Nathan Fletcher, a former Republican whip in the Assembly and a two-time loser
in runs for mayor of San Diego.
Fletcher,
who converted from Republican to Democrat in 2012 and 2013, with an
intermediate stop as an independent, was one of five primary election
candidates this spring for a seat on his county’s Board of Supervisors, getting
large-scale financial support from the local Democratic Party and some from the
county’s labor unions.
But
nothing matches what he’s gotten from his wife. By the end of the primary
season, Gonzalez Fletcher had transferred $355,000 of her Assembly campaign
funds to the county’s Democratic party, far outstripping other San Diego
politicians like state Senate President Toni Atkins ($16,000) and Democratic
Assemblyman Todd Gloria ($9,000).
The
reason was obvious. While Gonzalez Fletcher was giving the party enormous sums,
the organization was passing much more to her husband – a total of $680,000, of
which he got $188,000 in just one week. So there’s little doubt that Gonzalez
Fletcher’s campaign funds were staying in the family.
The
most obvious example of this happening came one day in May, when she gave
$50,000 to the party and the very same day the organization spent the identical
amount on behalf of her husband’s campaign.
There
was nothing the least bit illegal about any of this. But it’s doubtful
California has ever seen a more obvious example of a local party laundering
money on behalf of a candidate and his chief donor. Of course, the party could
not, did not, use the money to do anything but market its candidate to
registered Democrats.
But
that meant Fletcher himself did not have to send mailers or fund phone banking
aimed at Democratic voters. Instead, he could concentrate on outreach to voters
with no party preference or even to Republicans.
One
thing wrong with all this is that voters have no direct way to track where the
money actually comes from. Sure, they know Gonzalez Fletcher and her husband
are close allies. But they don’t know just whose money that was previously
given to the Gonzalez Fletcher campaign account went to Fletcher. So no one can
really be sure who he’s beholden to if and when he takes a seat on the county
board. Which makes it difficult to track his motives in votes on development
and other key issues.
That’s
the trouble with the entire current state campaign funding system. And it seems
legislators want to keep the current opaque system in place indefinitely. About
a year ago, they killed a bill making gifts to political parties subject to the
same limits imposed on donations to candidates.
Today’s
disgraceful and easily exploited system is a major legacy of former Democratic
Gov. Gray Davis, recalled in 2003 partly because of his own questionable
fund-raising practices. If it remains in place, it will be because of ignorance
or indifference by California voters, who could employ a ballot initiative to
change the system anytime they like.
-30-
Email Thomas Elias at tdelias@aol.com. His book, "The Burzynski Breakthrough: The Most Promising Cancer Treatment and the Government’s Campaign to Squelch It," is now available in a soft cover fourth edition. For more Elias columns, go to www.californiafocus.net
Email Thomas Elias at tdelias@aol.com. His book, "The Burzynski Breakthrough: The Most Promising Cancer Treatment and the Government’s Campaign to Squelch It," is now available in a soft cover fourth edition. For more Elias columns, go to www.californiafocus.net
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