CALIFORNIA FOCUS
FOR RELEASE: FRIDAY, MARCH 17, 2023 OR THEREAFTER
BY THOMAS D. ELIAS
“MASS TRANSIT
MERITS THE BUDGET CUT IT MAY GET”
From the
moment Gov. Gavin Newsom announced in January that his next budget plan would
include a $2 billion cut in funding for building mass transit, there was
bleating from many of California’s leading liberal legislators.
The
budget reduction, warned Democratic state Sen. Scott Wiener of San Francisco,
“could lead to significant service cuts, which is a downward death spiral for
some (transit) agencies.”
Oakland
Democratic state Sen. Nancy Skinner added that “I think everyone in the
Legislature would not want to have any funding shift, for example, for a public
service like transit.”
But a
look at the numbers gives a pretty good idea why Newsom chose transit for about
10 percent of the cuts needed to make up a predicted $22 billion deficit.
They show
Californians are not as enthusiastic about either light or heavy rail commuting
as their elected lawmakers.
Figures
from the American Public Transit Assn. demonstrate that neither the extensive
Bay Area Rapid Transit system nor Southern California’s Metro Rail have come
close to recovering the ridership they lost during the coronavirus pandemic,
when two things happened:
One saw
many white collar workers begin staying home to work. The other was that
thousands of commuters daily chose to use private cars rather than public
transit in order to avoid possible exposure to the many, ever mutating variants
of Covid.
By the
fall of last year, BART was carrying just 55 percent of its pre-pandemic
passenger load, while Metro Rail was at 71 percent of prior ridership. Partly,
that’s because San Francisco saw a greater shift than Southern California
toward remote work. The change also saw that city lose about 6 percent of its
population, many workers moving to less expensive areas once they no longer needed
to live close to their jobsites.
The
specific numbers, available most recently from last July, August and September,
saw both systems carrying tens of thousands more persons in those months of
2022 than a year earlier. But still not nearly enough to make either system
break even financially.
That’s
one reason the Newsom budget proposal seeks to cut much more money for new
lines and equipment than for operations.
But any
reduction in new rail construction offends folks like Wiener and Skinner for
other reasons, even though they rarely mention it. Wiener, in particular, has
been the legislative point person for the recent spate of state laws that
encourage far denser housing than California has previously seen.
Proximity
to mass transit lines and stations is written into some of those measures, with
high-rise construction permitted almost automatically in areas close to “major
transit corridors” and light rail stations.
So the
more new rail lines are built, the more dense housing will be permitted over
the next few years.
The fact
that not very much of the development authorized so far has actually taken
place has less to do with transit access than with high interest rates and
skepticism on the part of lenders. They see high vacancy rates where new
construction has risen. Current vacancy rates in commercial and multi-family
housing run about 27 percent in San Francisco and 20 percent in Los Angeles.
In short,
just because legislators authorize something does not mean it will
automatically occur, especially when the average cost of creating a new one-bedroom
apartment or condominium reportedly is about $830,000.
None of
this will dampen the enthusiasm of Wiener, Skinner and other legislators for
ever-denser housing.
As a
result, and if transit ridership gradually creeps back toward pre-pandemic
levels, expect pushback from the lawmakers over the cut in transit construction
funding, putatively slashed by Newsom from $7.7 billion in 2022-23 to $5.7
billion in 2023-24.
For the
fiscally conservative governor had to find places to cut his budget that would
impact the fewest possible Californians.
Since
ground has not even been broken yet on rail lines that were to be financed by
the funds at issue, let alone have them in operation, this is a cut that
affects no one right now.
Which
makes it a logical category to reduce, unless there’s a sudden and unexpected
upturn in the state’s finances.
-30-
Email Thomas Elias
at tdelias@aol.com. His book, "The Burzynski Breakthrough: The Most
Promising Cancer Treatment and the Government’s Campaign to Squelch It,"
is now available in a soft cover fourth edition. For more Elias columns, visit www.californiafocus.net
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